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Saturday, 29 October 2016

WHY MUSEVENI DESTROYED PAST GOVERNMENTS INITIATED DEVELOPMENTAL INFRUSTRUCTURES


"......... We allowed Uganda Airlines to die because it was making loses and, at that time, Ugandans were not travelling as much as today"......we are not finalising modalities. Therefore, my dear Ugandans, I can confidently tell you that the future is bright"

     Museveni -  during the 54 Independence anniversary last month in Luuka district.

When MUSEVENI took over power 30 years ago he inherited a robust social and economic infrastructure.  Though production was not adequate at the time because of the political upheavals of the time for which he had played a leading role (1972 - 1986) as he manoeuvred to gain power, the infrastructure was intact and only needed slight fine tuning.  Unknown to his comrades, right from the beginning MUSEVENI had a plan of life presidency.  To achieve this his strategy was to reign over an IMPOVERISHED, IGNORANT AND FEAR-STRICKEN population.

He believed that an impoverished population would worship him as the giver of everything.  An ignorant and fear stricken population would not analytically and courageously question his mismanagement.  The past regimes of Obote I and II 1967 - 1971 and 1981 - 1985 respectively and the Iddi Amin regime (1971 - 1979) had initiated robust economic and social infrastructures.  Schools, hospitals, factories, public transport, cooperative movement, public service, tourism, and other infrastructures were first class.  Museveni who feared that his negative propaganda to demonize past leaders as having been failures would be undermined by the existence of these infrastructures, had to move very fast to destroy them. In so he was also targeting economic deprivation of individuals and groups of individuals like the Baganda, the Northerners and Easterners whom he perceives to have been the dominant beneficiaries of such infrastructures.  Since the so called 1979 liberation had neutralised the Mafuta Mingus (beneficiaries of the Iddi Amin regime), Museveni targeted economic deprivation of Obote's UPCs that he believed were deeply entrenched in these infrastructures.  Also in his focus was the Baganda elites and Kingdom because of its land, ready market for their products in Kampala city and coffee.

First was the Currency Reform that saw personal money being stolen in broad daylight. Next was the campaign of terror on the people of northern and eastern Uganda that destroyed their economic base and social fabrics before unleashing of Karamojong cattle rustlers and individual military commanders to deplete the regions of cattle that had been an integral part of their economic likelihood. Then followed the retrenchment from public service a number of traditional civil servants who were perceives to be aligned to past regimes and then the privatisation of stare owned parastals that left the target population economically deprived.  The deliberate collapsing of cooperative unions, Cooperative Bank and giving away of Uganda Commercial Bank (UCB) were all schemes to economically deprive the population.  The deliberate neglect of pensioners and wanton theft of pensioners’ money is aimed at furtherance of this scheme since majority of the pensioners served under the past regimes.  That way he gasses managed to create his own class of economic beneficiaries through institutionalized theft of public money, corruption and abuse of office.  This is the population that is comprising hai much cherished Middle Income Class that is behind the land grabbing as a final strategy to impoverish the population.  All those so called poverty alleviation initiatives that have not made any impact were simply designed to hoodwink the population. Bona Bagagawale, Entandikwa, NUSAF, PRDP, SACCOS, NAADS, Operation Wealth Creation (OWC) are schemes simply meant to hoodwink the population thus why they have not made any economic impact. In October 2014 Museveni launched Operation Wealth Creation manned by soldiers under his brother, Gen. Saleh to distribute seedlings and animals to boost agriculture and fight poverty.  Though this 450b shillings project was initially meant to dissuade his neglected war veterans from joining the opposition, it has of recent been extended to cater for the regime supporters throughout the country.  Though Museveni is promising to boost the scheme with one trillion shillings during the next financial year, its is already marred by mismanagement whereby 40% of the seeds are drying up and animals dying.  It is the same regard that his regime borrows huge sums of money from international financial institutions but does not utilise them prompting the World Bank to with old aid.  For Museveni, the looming economic crisis in the country is very healthy as it fits well into his designs of economic deprivation.

His delay to make headways in the field of ignorance during the first two decades of his reign was due to the fact that 'his people' had not acquired the economic muscle to afford the private quality education.  Now that they can afford it, he has of recent sent the last nail in of the coffin of education in Uganda by assigning his wife to the education ministry.  That way education will be reduced to simply reading and writing even the ongoing emphasis on skills training/technical education is good but is in bad faith.  It is meant to promote ignorance about social, economic and political dynamics so as not to be able to interrogate the status quo.  It is in the same regard that Kiswahili is being promoted at the cost of the English and other local languages. Consequently, majority of the teenagers and youths in general will no longer value formal education as a vital component for their future.  They will focus on becoming musicians, comedians, sportsmen and such other fields while at the same time adoring celebrities in those fields as their role models.  The current boom in music and drama by a number of youths is a testimony of this education decadence. Another effect of education decadence is the ever increasing belief in superstition and witchcraft.  Poor education coupled by economic hardships has the advantage of boosting conscription into security services including private security as the major employment destination.

Museveni is steadily succeeding in instilling fear in the population with the aim of subduing them into submission to his military dictatorship.  He undermined and dismantled the national armies who had served under the Obote and Iddi Amin governments (UNLA and UA respectively) by demonizing them but at the same time using them to form the core of his NRA and now UPDF.  After successfully turning it into a personal army, in recent years he embarked on privatising the police force as another coercive arm of his regime.  To supplement the terrorist roles of these two forces, he has gone ahead to create parallel paramilitary outfits like Crime Preventers which he often unleashes on the population.  Consequently, these security forces are taking a center stage in every aspect of public life.  They are everywhere - in regulating and determining the course of trade, health, education, local government, agriculture, land management, fisheries, forestry, tourist, mining, environmental, revenue collection, immigration, justice, parliament, elections, traditional rulers’ institutions etc.   Their indulgence in these sectors is for self enrichment to ensure their loyalty in return for enjoying the political protection of the regime.  That way a few security officers are able to use the entire security apparatus suppress any form of dissent by the opposition and the population in general.   Unfortunately, the general population is gradually accepting the trend - thus viewing the security forces as the Alpha and Onega.

All African despots use these methods and its worse with the educated and cunning ones.  They hoodwink the people with that rhetoric to do with how Europe underdeveloped Africa, the west stole Africa's resources, neocolonialism, scapegoating the WB and IMF, African Solutions for African Problems, and now the crusade to withdraw from the ICC.


INFORMATION IS POWER AND DEFIANCE IS THE WAY TO GO

Friday, 28 October 2016

KAMPALA CITY VENDORS EVICTION IS AN ANTI-DEFIANCE OPERATION


Kampala city is an opposition stronghold. During the recently concluded general elections the opposition swept the entire city against Museveni.  This time round, even the small pockets of Museveni's support in the previous elections were flushed out completely.  In 2011 when the opposition leaning Mayor, Erias Lukwago won the seat, Museveni moved very fast to block his assumption of office.  He went ahead to strengthen the office of the Executive Director of the newly created Kampala City Council Authority as a parallel administrative structure purposely to undermine the authority of the elected Mayor before he was impeached. 

During the February 2016 general elections campaigns, the opposition made it categorically clear that it was to win by defiance - mobilizing the population to reclaim their powers in the same way it had been the case with the Arab Spring or Ivory Coast against Gbagbo.  Since then the opposition has sustained a series of if steady campaign of defiance though with some shortfalls.  In its estimates, the Museveni regime believes that its the unemployed youths, street vendors, commercial motorcycle transporters (Boda Boda), hawkers, market vendors, taxi operators etc. that form the bulk of the following to the opposition led defiance campaign.  In response, the regime has initiated a number of anti-defiance measures like indiscriminate arrests and detention of unemployed city youths in an effort to defiance campaign of potential followers.  Museveni appointed apposition leader Betty Kamya as Minister for Kampala city but in actual fact she is the chief mobliser for the anti-defiance campaign in the city.  His brother, Gen. Saleh has also been operating behind the curtains bribing youth and opinion leaders for the same reason.  Museveni has also been moving around with sacks of money dishing out to youth groups around the city.  Security forces have also been maintained at strategic points throughout the city.  Because all the above measures have been found to be unsustainable, the regime is now all out to evict the street vendors from the city centre. The regime believes that these vendors can easily be mobilised by the opposition to march and take over strategic installations in the city like the stone throw away State House at Nakasero, Parliament or City Square. 

It is this need to avoid a Tahiris Square kind of situation that is driving the regime to depopulate the city centre.  The regime strongly believes that the opposition is up to something and it is taking no chances in nabbing any plans in the bud.  That is why any slight sign of group discontent like strikes by workers, students, traders etc. are met with maximum force by the security forces.  Therefore, the eviction of vendors is a highly political issue with strategic security connotations that may end up devastatingly affecting Mayor, Elias Lukwago's hold on office as had been the case in 2013 unless the opposition moves a step ahead.  After street vendors, next will be the market vendors, taxi operators, Boda Bodas, and other traders.


INFORMATION IS POWER AND DEFIANCE IS THE WAY TO GO

Saturday, 22 October 2016

CAN A STAGE MANAGED COUP ATTEMPT WORK FOR MUSEVENI?


Museveni's 30 years' hold on power is facing its greatest uncertainty.

Both Ugandans and the international community have lost hope in his capacity to offer anything new owing to his ever increasing autocracy.

The west has clearly branded him as a threat to regional security and stability.  Internally, Ugandans including even the majority of those who have been thriving on his dictatorship and mismanagement are simply sitting on the fence ready to jump ship.

His dictatorship is no longer a disguise but fully blown autocracy.  His three decades of political manipulation is now hitting a dead end.

His deliberate economic mismanagement aimed at impoverishing citizens is getting exposed by the day.

Institutionalized corruption, abuse of office, out right theft of public resources, nepotism, sectarianism, tribalism, and such other vices aimed at breeding a pro-regime so called Middle Income class is breeding serious discontent across the country.

Sectarianism based on regionalism, tribal, ethnicity, religion, and traditional institutions is threatening national cohesion.

The performance of his traditional power base - the security forces is being undermined by gross nepotism, favoritism, sectarianism, and poor welfare.

The dominance of top strategic command positions by officers from one region is posing a serious threat to the cohesion of the armed forces.

As a result there is a wave of mistrust, suspicion, and lack of job security amongst members of the three major subgroups of the armed forces i.e the Army, Police and Intelligence services.

Parallel groups like the Special Forces Group (SFG) under his son, Crime Preventers under the Police Chief and State House Intelligence are afforded preferential treatment in terms of facilitation on account of being considered as being more loyal to the regime than the country.

The mushrooming parallel special security squads within the respective security organs is undermining command and control.

Lack of accountability and gross human rights abuse with impunity is another resultant phenomena.  Within the intelligence services the situation is alarming.

Other than Military Intelligence (CMI) which is Museveni's favourite, the other statutory intelligence outfits like ISO, ESO and the traditional police intelligence are in shambles.

Museveni is relying more on ad hoc quasi intelligence outfits under the police chief, SFG and SH just because he believes that the statutory Ines were infiltrated by the opposition and in particular his former PM, Amama Mbabazi.

It is in this respect that during the recently concluded Kyankwanzi retreat the Opposition ISO chief warned that rampant corruption could make the regime lose power.

Shortly after the same fellow while appearing before the parliamentary committee publicly expressed frustrations over poor facilitation of his organisation.

Though Museveni rightly believes that the much cherished mass protests championed by the pro change activists cannot effectively take off, he is concerned over rising levels of political and economic discontent amongst the majority Ugandans.

He knows that the will for mass protests highly exists within the population and that it could bring down his regime if only it were not for his guns.

It is in the same respect that whenever there is a threat of strikes by teachers, students, traders, transporters etc, he panics thinking that it can spark off massive national protests.

He is also more disturbed by his main challenger, Dr. Besigye's growing popularity at home, acceptability and recognition at international level.

Museveni's over a decade long attempt to destroy the institution of parliament is not giving him his desired results  because of the presumed 'hostility' by the Speaker, Rebecca Kadaga.

Nevertheless,  to some extent he has succeeded in incorporating the prosecutory authority (DPP)  into his regime.

He is still getting trouble from independent minded lower level judicial officers as opposed to the top cream judicial ones whom he has compromised.

With the looming harder economic times, Museveni is fearful of an escalation of discontent among the population - a situation that may avail a fertile ground for an armed insurrection.

In his accurate estimates, his incohesive armed forces cannot sustain a counter insurgency campaign.  Instead it will give rise to a situation similar to the 1984/1985 like situation that undermined the UNLA's counter insurgency against his NRA at the time.

As had been the case at the time, even now it's the security forces that is setting the agenda for the political leadership.

The only difference is that unlike Obote who was not sectarian, Museveni has built a more personal amy (SFG) out of the bigger personalised army (UPDF) and a regime police force.

Depending on what lenses you are using, the good or bad news is that the SFG is disliked by the majority in UPDF.

His traditional terror scares as a means of internal suppression while blackmailing the west no longer sells not only at home but even to his traditional backers; the West.

With the terror scare off the menu, he is more worries of how best he can diffuse the tension and uncertainty that is building up by the day.

The situation is potentially economically and politically explosive.  On the diplomatic front, his growing hostility and humiliation towards the west and the UN while shifting alliances to the communist east (Russia, China, Korea), is not sustainable and will in the end leave him with fractured limbs; if he will be lucky.

His semblance of relations with the West and the UN is only held by by a thin thread  - the Somali Mission and the hosting of tens of thousands of refugees from troubled neighboring countries who are victims of his imperialistic agendas.

Therefore, anyone seeking to dislodge Museveni from power has an uphill task of reassuring the West over the Somali Mission.

It is against the above background that Museveni has undoubtedly run out of options.  His usual stage managed terror attacks meant to rally support from the West while at the same time a tool for stifling domestic political opposition, is no longer a viable option given the negative economic effects.

Therefore, he is left with only one option; to stage manage an attempted military take over.  A well organised stage managed attempted military take over will in his estimates salvage the status quo.

Some people will be killed, many targeted arrests effected and detained, property destroyed and a state of emergency declared.  That way, he will be able to stifle the growing influence of the opposition, parliament will be suspended, the so called traitors purged from public service and the security forces and the regime party, the independent media destroyed etc.

That way he will be able to silence dissent that is currently at explosive proportions while enshrining in a new era of a fully blown military dictatorship that will catalyze his long term agenda of destroying Uganda.

INFORMATION IS POWER AND DEFIANCE IS THE WAY TO GO.







Tuesday, 18 October 2016

MUSEVENI'S INTEREST IN UNAA; ONE 'ENEMY' KILLED IN USA


Last month Uganda's parliament had to close down for almost two weeks because both the Speaker and her deputy had led a group of Members of Parliament and other government officials to the USA to attend the annual Uganda North America Association (UNAA) convention.   UNAA is a community based organisation of Ugandans living in North America.  It is a platform founded in 1988 that brings together Ugandans for purposes of knowing each other, networking, sharing and experiencing Ugandan culture and abundant opportunities available both in North America and Uganda.  As a community outreach initiative, it affords Ugandans an opportunity to interact with fellow Ugandans in the diaspora. Initially, those Ugandans would converge annually for socializing and merry making but with time it evolves into what came to be known as the Annual Convention.  Its objectives have also evolved over time to include discussing business opportunities and political developments in Uganda.  There the annual convention has business and political forums at the sidelines of the main event.

Over the almost four decades of political and economic turbulences in Uganda, many Ugandans have settled in Europe and North America.  Among them are refugees, settled Ugandan citizens and economic immigrants.  When Museveni was fighting his bush war against the then government in the early 1980s, he had a powerful External Wing comprised of Ugandans based outside Uganda mostly as refugees.  This External Wing played a major role in mobilizing resources for the fighters on the ground from Ugandans based outside, foreign governments, international organisations, politically and economically powerful individuals etc.  Though after taking over power, Museveni has for selfish reasons tended to downplay the role of the External Wing, he is very mindful of the potential of Ugandans based outside the country to influence the political landscape in Uganda.  When he took over power in 1986, the diaspora was awash with a vibrant exile community of Ugandans who did not approve his military take over.  These exiles were mostly the Baganda aligned to the defunct pro-Buganda fighting groups, UFM and FEDEMO, former army officers, government officials and politicians of the ousted Obote II and the short lived Okello junta.  Generally, it was mostly people originating from the Northern, Northeastern and Buganda regions who were concentrated in North America and Europe.  Those of the Iddi Amin regime were concentrated in the Sudan and Congo.  Indeed, these exiles became very active in supporting the insurgencies that cropped up immediately after he took over power.

In this regard Museveni moved very first to establish an intelligence outfit that would keep a close eye on these diasporas based Ugandans.  He put in place the External Security Organisation (ESO) in 1987 whose role is to monitor the activities of Ugandan citizens based abroad who posed a security threat, monitoring all foreigners coming to Uganda, foreign companies and NGOs operating in Uganda, etc.   Because majority of the Ugandans in the diaspora opposed to Museveni and based abroad at the time were mostly those hailing from Buganda, Northern and Northeastern regions, most of the Director Generals, Directors and heads of departments in ESO have been hailing from those regions.  The likes of David Pulkol, Maku Angofulu Igga, Emmy Alio, Gen. Oketcho, Masolo, and the current Director General, Joseph Ochwet are all from those presumed hostile regions.  Initially the pioneer Director Generals like Amama Mbabazi and Kahinda Otafiire tenure of office had handled the UPCs from western region - Among Bazira was assassinated in Nairobi while a number of others were lured back and manipulated into inactivity.   However, for the usual ethnic considerations when it came to luring Gen. Ssejusa back to Uganda, Kuseceni had to use Janet Anyone and her team who have since then been incorporated into ESO where they are causing friction.  Military Intelligence (CMI) has also been involves in external intelligence operations like luring renegade exiled soldiers, and kidnap of those bases in neighboring countries.  Even Internal Security organisation (ISO) has been involved in external intelligence operations like was the case with the insurgents based in South Sudan where the likes of Philip Idro from Moyo district, Fred Tolit (CMI) from Acholi and Taban Amin (Deputy Director of ISO) from West Nile took charge of the insurgents in Congo and Sudan.

These Ugandans in the diaspora have over the years formed strong associations for socializing and networking.  In North America there is UNAA and its breakaway factions of UNAA Causes, Tabamiruka, Gwangamujje, Banyakigezi; in Europe there is the likes of UK Uganda Convention, the Acholis Kachoke Madit, Langis Lango Association; in the Nordics there is the Nordic Ugandans bases in Sweden.  These strong communities that greatly contribute to the Uganda's economy through huge financial remittances have the potential to influence opinion in host countries and back home in Uganda.  Mindful of this potential, the Museveni regime has over the years infiltrated these associations and made attempts to disorganise them prompting rumour mongering, mad sliding, swindling of funds, prompting splits.  In some instances, the Museveni regime has influenced the leadership of such associations. The Museveni regime had over the years been contributing US$ 20,000 annually towards the UNAA annual convention until recently when it increased it to US$ 100,000.  The Museveni sponsored UNAA voting pattern has also succeeded in discarding the old guards from leadership positions in preference for the more youthful office bearers in recent years.  With a total population of about 120,000 Ugandans in North America alone, the annual attendance of only about 1,000 delegates (the regime delegates from Kampala inclusive) is a clear testimony that a big majority of Ugandans in North America have no interest in UNAA.  However, being an organised grouping, the regime does not take chances in paying attention to its existence.

It is against this background that during the recently concluded UNAA convention where even the leading opposition leader Dr. Besigye was invited, the Museceni regime had to suspend parliament and spent billions to the tax payer's money to enable the Speaker and her Deputy to lead a strong delegation to the same convention.  In the same respect when a US based Ugandan refugee, Alfred Olango 38 was recently shot dead by the police in San Diego, California, neither the Uganda government nor UNAA came up to demand for an explanation from the US government.  Instead it was the US State Department Officials who out of courtesy tendered a letter of condolence to the Uganda Embassy in Washington regarding the same death.  Moreover, the USA immigration services made several attempts to have Olango deported back to Uganda but the Uganda government refused to cooperate.  To the Museveni regime, the deceased was one enemy gone because it treats some people from certain regions of Uganda who reside in the diaspora as enemies of the state and more especially that he was a refugee.  Diaspora social networking groups like Ugandans At-Heart (UAH) and Diaspora Power Ten (D/P10) as subversive.

INFORMATION IS POWER AND DEFIANCE IS THE WAY TO GO


Thursday, 13 October 2016

WHY CHINA IS UGANDA'S NEW COLONIAL MASTER


The parliamentary committee on statutory authorities and state enterprises chaired by opposition's Abdu Katuntu is probing five Chines companies’ construction companies over misappropriation of public funds.  This probe is a follow up of the Auditor General's report that unearthed that out of 47.7b shillings that was given to the five construction companies two years ago for compensating people who had been displaces by the different construction projects, only 15b shillings was paid out while the 31b shillings could no be accounted for.  It has been discovered that the money had been transferred to China and part of it had been put on fixed accounts so as to earn interest.  The committee got tough on the said companies forgetting that its Museveni through UNRA's Kagina that are behind the financial scandal.

China's interest in Africa has been growing steadily over the years.  For Uganda's case, China's influence through UPC's socialist manifesto of Common Man's Charter was halted by the 1971 Iddi Amin coup, otherwise the country would have gone to the dogs as early as the late 1960s.  At the time China had nothing to offer save for dictatorship, repression and institutionalized poverty in furtherance of its socialist ideals.  Following the seat of its world's most celebrated dictators, Mao Zedong, China rebranded its economic policies culminating into the current economic boom and renewed incursions into Africa.  The first Chinese company set foot in Uganda in 1993 and as we speak now, about 350 Chinese companies have been licensed to operate in Uganda.  Currently, Chinese companies hold a major stake in the major sectors of the economy - manufacturing, infrastructure development, hospitality industry and others.

With an estimated US$ 6b financial aid to Uganda in the last 15 years, US$ 800m investment by Chinese companies that employ about 30,000 Ugandans and a US$ 450b bilateral trade makes China one of the top providers of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) to Uganda.  In the last 17 years, investment by Chinese companies worth US$ 2.5b has been established in Uganda.  The earliest project in Uganda to be undertaken by China was the constructed of the US$ 30m grant for the 40,000 seated Nambole National Stadium that was half finished and is in a sorry state as we speak now.  China also provides duty free market for Uganda products but unfortunately far more imports from China find their way into Uganda than what Uganda exports to China.  In the last 5 years, Uganda has contracted US$ 5.7b loans out of which 2.1b is from China.  US$ 789.3m for Karuma power dam, US$ 482.6m for Isimba power dam, US$ 200m for expanding and upgrading Entebbe Airport, US$ 36.3m for the twin tower Presidents office, expansion of Parliamentary building, reconstruction of the dilapidated Naguru hospital, US$ 1.9b in the oil sector, phosphates factory in Tororo, the expansion of the Kampala-Entebbe highway, construction of the Kampala-Entebbe Express highway, an industrial park in Luwero, construction of the Standard Gauge Railway, donations of equipment to the police and army and the carious behind the scenes classified aid to security forces and the regime Secretariat for ideological advancement coupled by debt reliefs.

A joint venture between Uganda and Chinese banks provides a direct money transfer service for Uganda based companies.  Low interest rate loans provided by China commercial banks are attractive to borrowers. However, the lenders ensure that contractors for infrastructure projects come from China thus increasing capital flight.  China provides the loan, the contractors, the construction materials, and to some extent the workers.  China's no strings attached and low interest rate loans are preferred to those of World Bank and IMF that come with conditions over democracy and good governance.  The 1995 China- Africa summit sealed three terms - non interference, respect for sovereignty, and equality for mutual respect.  The Beijing consensus based on equitable development and respect for sovereignty as opposed to Western consensus based on market forces is what Museveni fell for.

Museveni has repeatedly praises China's string free grants for non interference in the internal affairs of other countries.  During his swearing in ceremony in May 2016, Museveni once again praised China; ".... these people are our genuine friends.  They have no arrogance.  If a man has his own house and he goes in another man's house ....... What type of fool are you?".   Earlier on his Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Okello Oryem who has been at the forefront of promoting china's interests in Uganda publicly stated thus:  " This is China's time.  USA and European countries had the opportunity to build Africa (but they did not succeed. Now the Chinese are building schools, dams, stadiums, hospitals, roads, etc.  Gas the song about democracy and human rights turned us into a developed country?  If I want to give you a chicken or a goat do I first, ask you weather you beat your wife?".

Uganda's bilateral development with China does not favour capital flow in because technologic transfer is non existent as all the technical work on such projects is done by Chinese expatriates. Chinese nationals have been flocking Uganda and enhancing in all sorts of retail and wholesale trade prompting the locals to bitterly complain against unfair competition. Chinese substandard and counterfeit products flood the market in Uganda without hindrance.  Construction companies import construction materials from China to the detriment of local industries. Indigenous construction companies like Mukalazi, Zzimwe, Mugoya, Crescent and a couple of others have been undermined by their own government as Chinese contractors are engaged in even fixing potholes on city streets.  In a populist manoeuvre to win over the politically hostile Central business district of Kampala, Museveni recently declares that those Chinese should not be involves in such trade.  As is always the norm, shortly after his Minister of Foreign Affairs, Okello Oryem came out to blackmail Ugandans threatening that Ugandans in China could be treated in the same way.

The World Bank recently suspended its support to infrastructural development I'm Uganda citing delays, inefficiency and lack of safeguards.  The Chinese company constructing the Entebbe Express highway, China Communication and Construction Company Ltd had been blacklisted by World Bank for fraudulent practice in the Philippines but the Museveni regime contracted it in spite of being a member of the World Bank Group and a signatory to the UN charter on graft.  The World Bank had earlier suspended funding to the Kamwenge- Fort Portal Road after the Chinese construction company workers were involved I'm rampant abuse of female teenagers and spreading venereal diseases.

With the western world increasingly dissenting Museveni's skyrocketing dictatorial and repressive tendencies coupled by the anticipated economic degeneration, Museveni is all out to turn to China for salacation.  The Chinese language has been introduced into the educational curriculum with 20 schools selected to start teaching Chinese and the regime is to import Chinese teachers to train Ugandan teachers for the same project coupled by regime political cadres frequently undergoing ideological training in China, China is set to take over Uganda under Museveni.

Therefore, for those who are tough on Chines engagements in Uganda, watch your back or else Museveni will soon accuse you of frustrating investors thus economic sabotage.


INFORMATION IS POWER AND DEFIANCE IS THE WAY TO GO

INDEPENDENCE FETE - WHY UPC WAS ALLOWED AND FDC STOPPED


Last Sunday Uganda marked 54 years of independence from Great Britain.   The 54 years since 1962 includes the period the nation lost its sovereignty Tanzania following the ouster of Iddi Amin in 1979 - a development that prompted the OAU to shut Uganda out of the OAU summit in Monrovia.  Then came that period when Uganda to a large extent was run by the Rwandese refugees (not immigrants) but pure refugees it had hosted in line with the UN Convention of 1951.  The likes of Fred Rwigyema who became Minister of Defence, Paul Kagame who was the defacto Military Intelligence chief and many other but all registered refugees under UNHCR's international protection.

The 30 years of Museveni's destruction of Uganda as a nation state has driven Ugandans into loosing interest in the entire concept of independence.  There is growing debate over whether the country would have done better if it had remained in the hands of colonialists.  Tanzania under President Magufuli has taken bold steps in cancelling independence day celebrations.  In Uganda, Museveni has instead turned the occasion into his regime party celebrations.  The main opposition party, FDC intended to mark the day with parallel activities aimed at enlighting the masses how their country was mismanaged by self seeking post colonial leaders. The regime police instead deployed heavily and stopped that freedom of assembly by arresting and detaining top FDC leaders.  This was because the regime strongly believes that it harbours sinister motives of generating mass protests aimed at overthrowing the regime.  It therefore believes that any such gatherings could spark off massive protests that may be difficult to contain.  That is why if the FDC has organised such an occasion in the remote regions of Karamoja or West Nile and not the capital Kampala, the regime would have let them to take place.

In the same regard, the regime allowed the UPC to carry out a parallel function in the remote northern Uganda town of Lira because it believes that the UPC is dead and poses no threat to the status quo.  On the other hand, the regime which is currently in bed with the UPC has a scheme of using Lango region as a buffer zone against the Acholis.  It was also a way of tormenting the pro-dominantly DP Baganda who suffered the brunt of UPC during Museveni's Bush War.  To compound the torment, Museveni was seen shaking hands with the once notorious UPC's Night Kulabako before he handed them 100 million shillings donation amidst protests from his gullible regime cadres.


INFORMATION IS POWER AND DEFIANCE IS THE WAY TO GO

Sunday, 9 October 2016

RAKAI EARTH QUAKE, TESO FAMINE, AND MUSEVENI'S FOREIGN DONATIONS

Museveni donated for a school in Tanzania, Keitaba Secondary School
Teso sub-region in eastern Uganda is facing an acute famine that is already claiming lives.  A number of people are reported to have starved to death while tens of thousands are facing acute food shortage.  The region is prone to terrible floods that are followed by dry spells that affect crop yields.  The current draught started in three months ago in June but the Museveni regime did not put in place any contingency plans to avert the current crisis.  Teso region used to be the bread basket of Uganda before Museveni came to power 30 years ago.  The Teso based Uganda Meat Packers that used to process meat for local consumption and export was deliberately destroyed by Museveni in a wider scheme that saw the destruction of all other public entities that were started by the previous regimes. This is in spite of the fact that the Minister of State for Disaster Preparedness, Musa Ecweru is from Teso, people continue to hopelessly die of hunger as the country celebrates 54 years of independence this month.  There has been no single kilogram of relief food that the government has delivered to Teso region so far. In 2009 when the worst famine hit Teso, the then Minister of Disaster Preparedness, Tarsus Kabwegyere told the locals to feed on grass, mangoes and rats.

Early this month an earthquake hit Rakai district that neighbors with Tanzania's North Western region of Kagera.   In Tanzania's Kagera region which was the epicentre of the quake, 17 people list their lives while about 300 were injured and about 20000 houses were destroyed.  In Uganda's Rakai district, its only about 3186 building strictures that were affected of which about 600 buildings were totally destroyed.  Museceni immediately donated US$ 200,000 (about 700m Ug shillings) to Kagera region while Kenya's Uhuru Kenyatta donated US$ 50,000. The UK government gave US$ 2.7m, India gave US$350,000, and internal government fundraising initiatives rises US$ 640,000.   In Uganda, Museveni sent them 100 bags of maize flour and dry beans to the earthquake victims in Rakai.  The victims in Rakai rejected the donation before accusing him of ignoring their plight and instead giving priority to the people of Tanzania.  When he learnt that the Buganda Kingdom was considering coming to the rescue of the victims in Rakai, he fishes d to the area where he promised to give them iron sheets and iron bars.  During the same tour he promised to gazette the Baziba of Rakai as a new tribe in Uganda in the constitution.

In November 2006, Museveni constructed two secondary schools in Kagera region at a cost of US$ 932.823 (1.72b Ug shillings).  The two modern secondary schools were constructed in Muhutwe in Muleba district and Kamacumu in Bukoba by Mulplex (U) Ltd.  The gesture was Museveni's appreciation of the help the residents of Kagera had extended to him during his war against the Iddi Amin regime.  Other than that, Museveni has a special bond with some migrant communities in the Kagera region as exemplified by the recent special treatment that he accorded to the Rwandese immigrants that Tanzania had evicted from its territory.  At a strategic level, Museveni has always craves to secure that part of the Uganda border against his potential political opponents.  There is no doubt, if such a disaster had taken place in the southern region of Tanzania, Museveni would not have shown such a concern.  In 2011, Museveni donated 777m Ug shillings to the construction of Nalukunga primary school in Rwanda as part of the fence mending following the spring relations at the time as a result of disagreements in the Congo.  Later on he donated US$ 300,000 during aa fundraising in Kigali for the construction of Ntare School of Rwanda.

While such external donations would be okay in the spirit of African brotherhood, Museveni's donations to Rwanda and Kagera while ignoring his own people at home is driven by ulterior motives and imperialistic agenda.


INFORMATION IS POWER AND DEFIANCE IS THE WAY TO GO

Saturday, 8 October 2016

WHAT DOES MUSEVENI DO WITH HIS PERSONAL MONEY!!!!


There is growing talk amongst right-thinking Ugandans that Uganda is Museveni's personal property just the same way Belgium's King Leopold owned Congo.  This argument is supported by Museveni's gross violation of financial regulations by living an extra-lavish lifestyle, dishing out of millions of tax payer's money for patronage and political bribery, subjecting the tax payers to meet the cost of living of his extended family members etc.  The other day his presidential jet took his married daughter to deliver in a German hospital.  Some people have gone ahead to argue that Museveni owns all the money and ree reserves in the Central Bank of Uganda.  He has repeatedly claimed ownership of the country's natural resources like oil.  At one time while referring to the opposition, he openly stated thus: "........they (opposition) want me to go so that they mismanage my oil.".  He has often black mailed the electorates through financial starvations for those constituencies that vote the opposition.

By personally controlling the Treasury and the country's natural resources, Museveni has over a period of 30 years accumulated immense wealth.  He was recently ranked as the 6th richest African President with a fortune of US $ 11.1b.  The last time he declared his wealth in 2002 in accordance with the leadership code, he had a monthly salary of less than US $ 20,000,  300m Uganda shillings from annual sale of milk, had cows Worth 20b Ug shillings, land at Katonga in Ssembabule district worth 240m shillings, land at Katwe Kambwa in Maddu, Mpigi district worth 59m, residential house inRwakitura worth 600m, land in Nyabushozi valued at 70m.  He declared that he had no any other property outside Uganda.  Going by this declaration, Museveni's wealth was merely 387,600m Ug shilling wealth but a reputable firm put his wealth at 400 times more than what he declared.

However despite all that wealth, for the last 30 years Museveni and his family have continued to thrive on the tax payer's money.  There is no evidence whatsoever that Museveni has ever used his personal money to for acquisition of personal property or personal expanditures.  Here below, find just a few of the examples of how the tax payer:s money has been directly used to acquire property for Museveni:-

1.  In 1990, Museveni argued that the army ought to have its own cattle ranch in order to minimise the cost that the army was incurring in procuring fresh meat for the soldiers.  The Ministry of Defence through its subsidiary, National Enterprises Corporation (NEC) bought Kisozi Ranch from a one Hajji Sulaiman Kiwanuka in Kabulasoke Sub County, current Gomba district at a cost of 800m shillings which was a lot of money at the time.  As to how Museveni came to own the same ranch which is now his second county home remains a mystery.

2.   Immediately after coming into power in 1986, Museveni bought on credit 562 acres of land from the late Elia Nyalwa in Bulera village, Maddu Sub County, Gomba District.  Since then Mseveni never paid a single penny for the same land.  Elia Nyanzi passed on without getting the payment for Museveni for his land.  His family continued to pursue the payment for their land.  In recent years, a State House Comptroller arranged for a telephone conversation between Museveni and the claimants whereby he (Museveni) told them that they should pursue for their payment through a one Florence Kick.co, his Private Secretary In charge of Legal Affairs.  When the family was at the verge of losing its house that it had mortgaged to money lenders and Centenary Bank for a loan of 63m shillings, Kiconco intervened by writing to the bank.  In the 25th November 2014 letter she stated thus:  "........this serves to inform you that this office is handling the matter pertaining to his land in Gomba where he expects government to compensate him."  Earlier in August 2014, she had written another letter to Centenary Bank in which she stated that State House was in the process of conducting his compensation.

The claimants ran out of patience in February 2015 when the bank threatened to forcefully evict them from the mortgage property.  The claimants family wrote to Museveni and copied the same letter to the Speaker of Parliament, State House staff like Maj. Nakalema,  Nakyobe, Kiconco, and Edwin Karugire who had in one way or the other had been involved in handling the matter.  In the letter, the claimants wrote; "........ In spite of repeated assurance from your office to help and resolve the matter, nothing has been done sofar."

3.   Last month, two days before Museveni made a visit to Makulubita Sub county,   State House bought for Museveni a 20 acre chunk of land at Kawumu village in the same Sub county.  In his address to the residents, Museveni informed them that he had bought land in their area.

The list is endless but the question is where does Museveni put his money if its the tax payer's money that he uses to acquire his personal property and purely personal expenses!!!!!!

INFORMATION IS POWER AND DEFIANCE IS THE WAY TO GO.


WHAT DOES MUSEVENI DO WITH HIS PERSONAL MONEY!!!!

There is growing talk amongst right-thinking Ugandans that Uganda is Museveni's personal property just the same way Belgium's King Leopold owned Congo.  This argument is supported by Museveni's gross violation of financial regulations by living an extra-lavish lifestyle, dishing out of millions of tax payer's money for patronage and political bribery, subjecting the tax payers to meet the cost of living of his extended family members etc.  The other day his presidential jet took his married daughter to deliver in a German hospital.  Some people have gone ahead to argue that Museveni owns all the money and ree reserves in the Central Bank of Uganda.  He has repeatedly claimed ownership of the country's natural resources like oil.  At one time while referring to the opposition, he openly stated thus: "........they (opposition) want me to go so that they mismanage my oil.".  He has often black mailed the electorates through financial starvations for those constituencies that vote the opposition.

By personally controlling the Treasury and the country's natural resources, Museveni has over a period of 30 years accumulated immense wealth.  He was recently ranked as the 6th richest African President with a fortune of US $ 11.1b.  The last time he declared his wealth in 2002 in accordance with the leadership code, he had a monthly salary of less than US $ 20,000,  300m Uganda shillings from annual sale of milk, had cows Worth 20b Ug shillings, land at Katonga in Ssembabule district worth 240m shillings, land at Katwe Kambwa in Maddu, Mpigi district worth 59m, residential house inRwakitura worth 600m, land in Nyabushozi valued at 70m.  He declared that he had no any other property outside Uganda.  Going by this declaration, Museveni's wealth was merely 387,600m Ug shilling wealth but a reputable firm put his wealth at 400 times more than what he declared.

However despite all that wealth, for the last 30 years Museveni and his family have continued to thrive on the tax payer's money.  There is no evidence whatsoever that Museveni has ever used his personal money to for acquisition of personal property or personal expanditures.  Here below, find just a few of the examples of how the tax payer:s money has been directly used to acquire property for Museveni:-

1.  In 1990, Museveni argued that the army ought to have its own cattle ranch in order to minimise the cost that the army was incurring in procuring fresh meat for the soldiers.  The Ministry of Defence through its subsidiary, National Enterprises Corporation (NEC) bought Kisozi Ranch from a one Hajji Sulaiman Kiwanuka in Kabulasoke Sub County, current Gomba district at a cost of 800m shillings which was a lot of money at the time.  As to how Museveni came to own the same ranch which is now his second county home remains a mystery.

2.   Immediately after coming into power in 1986, Museveni bought on credit 562 acres of land from the late Elia Nyalwa in Bulera village, Maddu Sub County, Gomba District.  Since then Mseveni never paid a single penny for the same land.  Elia Nyanzi passed on without getting the payment for Museveni for his land.  His family continued to pursue the payment for their land.  In recent years, a State House Comptroller arranged for a telephone conversation between Museveni and the claimants whereby he (Museveni) told them that they should pursue for their payment through a one Florence Kick.co, his Private Secretary In charge of Legal Affairs.  When the family was at the verge of losing its house that it had mortgaged to money lenders and Centenary Bank for a loan of 63m shillings, Kiconco intervened by writing to the bank.  In the 25th November 2014 letter she stated thus:  "........this serves to inform you that this office is handling the matter pertaining to his land in Gomba where he expects government to compensate him."  Earlier in August 2014, she had written another letter to Centenary Bank in which she stated that State House was in the process of conducting his compensation.

The claimants ran out of patience in February 2015 when the bank threatened to forcefully evict them from the mortgage property.  The claimants family wrote to Museveni and copied the same letter to the Speaker of Parliament, State House staff like Maj. Nakalema,  Nakyobe, Kiconco, and Edwin Karugire who had in one way or the other had been involved in handling the matter.  In the letter, the claimants wrote; "........ In spite of repeated assurance from your office to help and resolve the matter, nothing has been done sofar."

3.   Last month, two days before Museveni made a visit to Makulubita Sub county,   State House bought for Museveni a 20 acre chunk of land at Kawumu village in the same Sub county.  In his address to the residents, Museveni informed them that he had bought land in their area.

The list is endless but the question is where does Museveni put his money if its the tax payer's money that he uses to acquire his personal property and purely personal expenses!!!!!!

INFORMATION IS POWER AND DEFIANCE IS THE WAY TO GO.


Thursday, 6 October 2016

UGANDA'S ONLY AIRPORT ATTACKED BY 'TERRORISTS'

Entebbe International Airport is Uganda's only international airport that handles international flights to, from and through it.  It is managed by the Civil Aviation Authority (CAA) - a government agency set up in 1994 under the Ministry of Transport and responsible for licensing, monitoring and regulating civil aviation matters. CAA is a member of the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO).  It has a number of directorates among them the Directorate of Airports and Aviation Security whose Director is Eng. John Kagoro.  The core responsibility of this directorate is to design techniques and methods to be used in protecting passengers, staff and planes which use the airport from accidents and malicious harm, crime and other threats.  Its operational responsibility involves crash fireand rescue services, security, passenger facilitation and airfield services. The directorate that has a bigger percentage of CAA Staff, is manned by 250 staff members based at Entbebbe International Airport and 25 others who man the upcountry infrastructure.  Under the Director of Airports and Aviation Security is the office of the Aviation Security Manager, headed by David Kalya who is a senior Army officer of the Internal Security Organisation (ISO) having joined the NRA in the bush from Nairobi and rose to become the DISO of Kumi, Hoima, and did a military course at Fort Leavenworth, USA before he was assigned to the airport decades ago. Its under his management that all the physical security matters at Entebbe Airport are handled.  Even the other security outfits like ESO, CMI, Police, Immigration Services, SFG etc who have interest at Entebbe Airport only gain access with facilitation of the office of the Aviation Security (AVISEC) Manager. 

Early this week as  Uganda's leading opposition leader, Dr. Kiiza Besigye was returning from London aboard a Kenya Airways passenger plane, he was kidnapped upon landing on the runway by men putting on CAA uniform and bundled into a waiting CAA vehicle and driven away.  He did not go through the normal immigration protocols but was simply whisked away from the runaway using the backdoor airport security murram roads.  Though the police later used its vehicles and personnel to take him to his residence, no single security agency has come out to associate with the kidnap.  The leader of opposition in parliament threatened to petition ICAO over CAA's breach of aviation regulations by facilitating the kidnap of Dr. Besigye.   The CAA has issued a statement disassociating itself from what transpired pertaining to Dr. Besigye's kidnap from Kenya Airways.  It feigned ignorance over who could have been behind the kidnap of Dr. Besigye adding that "....it is not true that whoever wears a reflector CAA branded jackets at the back works for us."

CAA's statement is unfortunate and has the effect of placing Entebbe International Airport on the list of unsafe international airports. In the absence of a clear explanation it can be assumed that terrorists infiltrated the airport and kidnapped Dr. Besigye
 The truth of the matter is that CAA through its Aviation Security management office aided the kidnap of Dr. Besigye by Museveni's security personnel. It in the same way that extra ballots that were used by the regime were able to be brought in and sneaked into the country without trace. In the early 1990s, the same office then maned by ISO's Maj. Musinguzi Katafiire intercepted millions of US $ that was being ferried away by tycoon
Sudhir Ruparelia. The incident reflects a continuation of arbitrary actions and more is in the offing. 

INFORMATION IS PPWER AND DEFIANCE IS THE WAY TO GO.

 

Monday, 3 October 2016

DID BESIGYE'S HANDLERS EXPECT A SOFT LANDING?

The much anticipated heroic welcome that had been arranged for Dr. Besigye was nubed in the bud by Museveni.  Security agents dressed in Civil Aviation Authority (CAA) kidnapped Dr. Besigye at the door steps of the Kenya Airways plane as it landed and quietly whisked him away before dropping him at his residence in Kampala.  His pro-change top officials, the press, and his other supporters were kept in the dark before they were eventually chased away from the airport.   Scores of his supporters who had lined up along the main road were rounded up and detained.  His handlers had planned to address a press conference at the airport's VIP lounge before he would have attended a welcome party at his party headquarters.

The Museveni regime believes that Dr. Besigye went on a foreign trip in order to drum up support for 'his defiance' campaign.  It believes that hr had gone to mobilize Ugandans in the diaspora - majority of whom subscribe to the opposition.  It also believes that he had gone to present his case before 'hostile foreign powers' and seek their support.  Museveni's intelligence outfits trailed Dr. Besigye throughout his foreign trip.  The believe Dr. Besigye is set to launch another round of street political activism. Their concocted intelligence reports may prompt the regime to slam more treasonous charges against Dr. Besigye thus cancellation of his bail.

Therefore, for any of Dr. Besigye's handlers to have expected a soft landing was naivety of the highest order.  The regime does not recognize Dr. Besigye as a VIP thus the manhandling that he was subjected to at the airport.  Dr.  Besigye unfairly expressed dismay at the act of security agents donning CAA uniform and using CAA vehicle to kidnap him.  Like Dr. Besigye, Captain Mike Mukula also did not know that CAA is a vital component of the regime's security infrastructure when he opened war against it.  However, it is highly likely that unlike Mukula, Dr. Besigye had anticipated such mishap.

To the regime, Besigye is an enemy and the earlier the prochange Ugandans realise this the better.  What happened today is just the beginning of a series of measures that will curtail the anticipated opposition activities.  Their planned rallies to mark parallel Independence Day celebrations will be stopped and security forces will confine Dr. Besigye to his residence until the event is over.

INFORMATION IS POWER AND DEFIANCE IS THE WAY TO GO