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Monday, 25 April 2016

WHEN BEING KNOWN TO MUSEVENI EARNS YOU A DEATH SENTENCE

When Museveni was fighting his bush war (1981 - 1986) that brought him to power, a number of Ugandans were allegedly killed by government's security agencies on account of their real or perceived close links to Museveni's rebellious activities.  As if it is true that history repeats itself, last week a suspect in a murder case told the police that he acted upon provocation by the deceased who had claimed that he was known to Museveni and his brother Gen. Saleh.

The deceased, Samuel Babumba Majyambere had a land wrangle with the suspect, Edward Nakibinge - both  residents of Luwero in central Uganda.  Museveni visited the bereaved family where he blamed the British for Uganda's land problems before appaulding the deceased as having been a patriotic Ugandan who had helped a lot during the bush war by hiding fighters and even supplying them with 50 bicycles.

While Nakibinge's action should be condemned in the strongest terms, it should be noted that there are many people out there who see themselves as being more closer to Museeni and the ruling clique thus harassing and treating other Ugandans as second class citizens as they enjoy regime protection and patronage.  In law the suspect (Nakibinge) 's defence of provocation may not hold water but in a court of public opinion and going by what is going on by the regime officials and other individual 'special people' who claim to own the regime,  this is gross provocation.  That form of provocation is depicted by the level of arrogance, impunity in human rights violations, rape of justice, suppression of democracy and deliberate economic deprivation.  The case of a one Karangwa who is a leading land grabber in Luwero, Kayunga and Busoga while enjoying regime patronage and protection is fresh on the minds of many Ugandans.

It this kind of provocation that drives unarmed civilians to openly attack the regime's armed security personnel like was the recent case in Kasese, Kabaale, Ntungamo and Kampala.  Majyambere is a Kinyarwanda word to mean modernity but is not clear as to which clan of Buganda the late Samuel Babumba Majyambere belonged.  Could it be a coincidence that an army officer,  Maj. Babumba of CMI who is out on bail over charges of murdering a one Moses Kazungu over a 150 acre land wrangle!!

ALL ANIMALS ARE EQUAL BUT SOME ARE MORE EQUAL THAN OTHERS.

INFORMATION IS POWER.

Sunday, 24 April 2016

MUSEVENI'S ARMY DOES NOT KILL CIVILIANS!!

Uganda's military dictator who took over power 30 years ago repeatedly claims that the past governments had armies that killed civilians thus he intervened by building a a pro peoples' army.  He always claims that if a soldier kills, he is also killed.  Here below find some incidents that demonstrate how he has effectively tamed his army to respect, guard and protect the lives of Ugandans:-

1.   This week a soldier shot dead 8 people in Kihihi, Kanungu district.
2.  In March 2016 at Shooters Pub in Soroti a soldier shot dead 4 people.
3.   In March 2016 soldiers of the SFG shot and injured two opposition supporters in Entebbe during a scuffle to rig elections in favor of Museveni.
4.  In March 2016 soldiers and police shot live bullets in Masindi injuring several in a scuffle to rig elections against the opposition FDC.
5.  In February 2016 a soldier of the SFG shot and injured a boxing trainer at Lugogo Cricket ground.
6.   In November 2015 at Ludwang Parish in Abim district, a soldier shot dead three children and injured their parents.
7.    In March 2015 a soldier from Bibia Barracks in Amuru district shot dead a bar maid over 1000 shillings.
8.    In Somalia while on a peace keeping mission, Museveni's soldiers shot dead 7 people who were attending a wedding after they separated the men from women.
9.    In 2014 a soldier shot dead 10 people and injured 25 others in Ntoroko District during a bar sprawl over a woman.
10.  In 2013 a soldier shot dead 10 people at a pub in Bombo town.
11.   In  December 2012 a soldier shot dead 3 people at a pub in Luzira area of Kampala.
12.   In May 2015 at Karenga in Kabong a soldier shot dead 4 people.
13.   In 2009 at Top Bar in Kampla a soldier from the SFG shot dead 8 people over a brawl with a sex worker.
14.  In 2006 at Ogweta IDP camp in northern Uganda, two Amuka militias shot dead 10 people.
15.  In December 1994 a police officer attached to Kamwenge police station shot dead 13 people and wounded 14 others in a disco.
  16.   In June 1994 at Naguru in Kampala an irate soldier shot dead 27 people and wounded 13 others.

The list is endless but what is clear is that his security forces have directky and indirectly been the main perpetrators of violent crime.  An undercover investigation by the Monitor newspaper in April 2012 revealed that arms and ammunitions are sold by soldiers in Kampala city.  A police crime report of 2012  covering a period between 2005 and 2013 revealed that 115 people had been shot and 32 injured by guns in the hands of security personnel in 77 incidents.  Of these 32 incidents involved the army resulting in 54 deaths while 45 incidents involved the Police and their auxiliary squads  resulting into 44 deaths.

Another police crime report of 2010 had detailed at least 239 deaths by shooting with 280 recorded the previous year.  A total of 1154 cases of aggravated robbery using lethal weapons were reported and for the previous year it was 1909 cases.

If it had not been for the Somali peace keeping mission that the regime is using as a welfare project for the soldiers, the situation would have been worse with soldiers carrying out armed robberies left and right on top of killing for hire.  It is not true that the soldiers who kill are also killed.  Ever since he captured power 30 years ago no soldier has been put on firing squad for killing civilians save for the two junior soldiers who were summarily executed as a cover up for the institutionalized murder of an Irish Priest who had reported on army killing of Karimojong civilians during the disarmament exercise in Karamoja.

This how commendable Museveni has build a disciplined and pro people Arny that respects the lives of civilians.

INFORMATION IS POWER

Sunday, 17 April 2016

WHAT IF AINE HAD BEEN IN THE CUSTODY OF GEN. KATUMBA, SPEAKET KADAGA OR VP SSEKANDI!!

Christopher Aine iss a son of a former Museveni bush war hero, Lt.col. Julius Aine who like other prominent Ugandans was also reported to have died in a motor accident.  The son joined the army and served under special unit that guards Museveni.  He also briefly served in Iraq as a private security guard.  During the last presidential election campaigns, Aine was the head of former presidential candidate A mama Mbabazi's head of Security.  On different occasions Maine and his team gave a thorough beating to Museveni's goons who had all along got used to beating Ugandans and disrupting opposition campaigns with impunity.  Following those incidents Museveni threatened to severely deal with the Maine team to had broken into Museveni's monopoly of violence.  Some were arrested but their leader, Aine  went into hiding.  The Mbabazi camp alleged that the regime has kidnapped and was holding Aine in unlawful detention.  The police chief, Gen. Kalekyezi expressed dismay when describing Aine as "our own" because of his military background before he placed a bounty of 20M shillings for whoever gave information about Aine's  whereabouts.  The herbeas corpus application by the Mbabazi camp was dismissed by the High Court on grounds that there was no evidence that Aine was in the custody of the police.

A few days ago, the same Aine resurfaced but in the custody of Museveni's brother Gen. Saleh.  He was paraded before one of the local TV channels where he vaguely gave his brief ordeal.  He claimed to have feared being arrested by the police, fled to Tanzania from where he stealthky returned to Uganda before seeking Gen. Saleh's protection.  The police insisted that they have standing charges of assault and obstructing police against Aine.  Not even his mother and siblings were allowed access to him.  He remains in the custody of Gen. Saleh.  The flamboyant police chief Gen. Kalekyezi has had to coil his tail between his legs and unusually not commented on the ongoing saga.  Gen. Kalekyezi who regards  himself as being next to Museveni does not relate well with Gen. Saleh.  The sour relationship arises from the fact that ever since the Rwandans killed Gen. Rwigyema he cut off any relationship with Rwandans and has never and may never step foot in Rwanda.  For Gen. Kalekyezi, this week alone he has suffered double setbacks -  his flying squad being evicted from Kasese  and the Aine standoff.  There is no doubt Gen. Kalekyezi must be plotting on how to unearth some of the real or concocted financial scandals that  he can use to fix Gen. Saleh.

In Uganda, constitutionally its the President who is the most powerful person followed by the vice President, the Speaker of Parliament, the Prime Minister in that order.  However, the Museveni regime has created parallel power centres whereby some retired army officers are more powerful than even the Vice President;  some permanent secretaries are more powerful than their line ministers;  some serving army officers are more powerful than their seniors;  some Directors and commissioners are more powerful than their line Permanent Secretaries and Ministers; some judges are more powerful that the Chief Justice; some bodyguards and drivers are more powerful than their masters; sone teachers are more powerful than their Headteachers; some ordinary citizens and certain individuals are more moreful than top regime officials.  The list is endless but what is clear is that Museveni has killed all institutions of government and the regime is just thriving on informal structures.  If Aine had surrendered to any of the above underlined top regime officials and others who fall in that category, they would not have accepted even for à second to welcome and accommodate him the same way Gen. Sale did.  The would be in great fear for being branded subversive.  On the contrary, if it had happened that he had surrendered to any of those and he/she dared  to offer him custody, the regime police before summoning them to record statements.

Aine seem to have mastered the art of identifying where power lies in the Museveni regime thus his choice of seeking sanctuary in the safe custody of Gen. Saleh.  Even in the past several army officers of  the bush war breed and not the current Muhoozi brand who woukd be facing purging, persecution, harassment etc would run to Gen. Saleh for protection. It is his popularity and sense of humour that accounts for his removal from the mainstream military service.   It is in a similar informal arrangement that Museveni's cronies like:

-  Dr. Diana Atwiine is the defactor head of the Health sector.

-   Jacob Oulanya is the defacto Speaker of Parliament.

-   His son Gen. Muhoozi is the  Army Commander.
.
-   Gen. Kayihura is the defacto Vice President and Minister of Internal Affairs

-   Sam Rwakoojo is the defacto head of the Electoral Commission

-   His son in Law, Odrek Rwabwogo is the defacto regime Secretary General in charge of mobilisation.

-  His inlaw , Gen. Tumukunde is  the defacto Secretary General in charge of Finance.

-   His other son in law, Edwin Karugire in the defacto Attorney General.

The list is endless.  As to how Sine ended up in the custody of Gen. Sale is a long story for another day. 

INFORMATION IS POWER

Thursday, 14 April 2016

MINISTER AKOL DARES TOUÇH THE LEOPARD'S A..S

The figurehead Minister of Internal Affairs, Rose Akol has taken the gravest risk of her life.  While on an official tour of the Uganda/Rwanda border at Mirama Hill in Ntungamo district she decried the high rate of Rwandans who are holding both Rwandan and Ugandan National Identity Cards.  She publicly appealed to Rwandan nationals holding Ugandan National Identity Cards to surrender them or face severe consequences.  She further disclosed that Customs officials were overwhelmed by the number of Rwandans (average of 10 per day) who are intercepted at the border while in posession of Ugandan National Identity Cards.

The question of Rwandans holding Ugandan national IDs came up during the election campaign and during the election petition but the regime simply brushed it off  as mere sectarian speculation.  The ID project was spearheaded by the then controversial Minister of Internal Affairs, Gen. Arounda in the run up to the sham February 2016 general elections.  To conceal their sinister motive, the regime graded the project as a matter of national security and was carried out by the regime's intelligence servces.  The national ID register was adopted as the national voters register and voters were required to produce their National IDs.  Gen. Aronda had been Rwanda's Paul Kagame's bestman during his wedding and the high rate of Rwandans posessing Ugandan national IDs is the best gift he could offer to his cousins.  Moreover,  the Museveni regime adopted the Kinyarwanda word (Indangamuntu) in reference to the national ID.

The question of Rwandans in Uganda is a thorny one and takes a lot of courage for one to interrogate it.  The Museveni regime has deep historical looted links with the Rwandans.  They came to Uganda decades ago as migrants and refugees.  Museveni who has persistently been rumoured to be a Rwandan was the first national leader to knowingly and openly introduce them into Uganda's politics.  He knowingly recruited Rwandese refugees into his anti Iddi Amin fighting groups.  Following the overthrow of Iddi Amin, Rwandans were eliminated from the new national army.  Museveni who was the Minister of Defence at the time retained them as his personal army.  When he took to the bush for a guerrilla war these Rwandans composed a big part of his most loyal fighters who enjoyed special status.  When he captured power in 1986, the Rwandans held very influential positions which they used to amass means and resources that enabled them to invade their mother country Rwanda and dislodge the Hutus from power.  Mindful of the fact that Ugandans would over time question the influence of those Rwandans, he had immediately after taking over power put in place an anti-sectarianis law so as to scare, criminalise and silence any Ugandan who would dare to do so.

In 1990 these Rwandans with Museveni's support invaded Rwanda and after 4 years of war that culminated into the Rwanda Genocide a.ka.a The Genocide Against Tutsi and took over power.  Much as many returned to Rwanda and settled, may others either returned or opted to stay and settle in Uganda.  Unlike the Rwandan immigrants of the early 20th century many of whom who settled and became Ugandans, its the e Rwandan refugee community who opted to make Uganda their home of convenience and are craving to have both the Rwandan and Ugandan national ID.  In 1995 Museveni hastly and maliciously made the Banyarwanda another tribe of Uganda thus the current double ID.  It is this category of opportunistic Banyarwanda who claim to owe their 100% allegiance to Museveni.  Otherwise, the original migrant Rwandan çommunities had got assimilated into different Ugandan tribes of their choice and none of them wishes to be unidentified as a Munyarwanda.  Interestingly,  even the opportunist Banyarwanda don't want to be identified so but call themselves Banyànkole or Bararo.  Unfortunately in running his regime, Museveni has been according preferential treatment to those with Rwandan background.

By attacking Rwandans who are holding Ugandan national IDs, the figurehead Minister of Internal Affairs  is crossing the red line.   She very well knows that the regime won't do anything to address what to her is an anormally yet the regime stands for pan Africanism and free movement of goods and services in the region.  She is simply wasting her time but trying to air out her frustrations that arise from being overshadowed by the powerful police chief, Gen. Kayihura.  The General who replaced Gen. Around as the defacto Vice President has taken over the role of the Minister of Internal Affairs.  The Vice President, Edward Ssekandi is simply a figurehead to appease the Baganda whose role is confined to commissioning water boreholes and representing the regime at public functions in Buganda.  Her frustrations are similar to those earlier publickly expressed by the Speaker of Parliament as contained in an audio Whatsapp message that went viral.  The regime could not reprimand the Speaker but have been waiting to ensure that she does not get another term as Speaker come rain or shine.  if Minister Rose Akol thinks she is the Minister of Internal Affairs, let her dare question the status of those Rwandans who have been camping at Sango Bay in Rakai district after they were chased out of Tanzania in 2013.  She will pay heavily if she does not back off and abandon that path of questioning Rwandans in Uganda.  Under the current regime these Rwandans are holding very influential positions in public offices.  Museveni made it clear that if you attack his supporters, you pay dearly.  He equated an attack on his supporters to one poking his/her finger into the leopard's anus.  May be the Hon. Minister is not aware of what befell some of Museveni's closest confidant who dared question the influence of Rwandans. 

INFORMATION IS POWER




Wednesday, 6 April 2016

WHY THE 2021 ELECTION PETITION WILL BE CONDUCTED IN RUNYANKOLE

Uganda being a former British colony, the official language is English.  It slightly above 50 different tribes including  the Banyarwanda tribe that Museveni created through his 1995 constitution.  These different ethnic communities speak different languages.  The language of court in Uganda is English.  The recently concluded presidential election petition waconducted in English.  One of the widely spoken languages is the Runyankore/Rutooro/Runyoro/Rukiga commonly referred to as Runyakitara. It is spoken by the people of erstern Uganda (Bunyoro, Tooro, Ankole, and Kigezi) except the Bakonzo of Kasese.  Out of the nine Justices who presided over that petition, six of them are from the western region and speak Runyakitara.   The petitioner,  A mama Mbabazi is from western Uganda and speaks Runyakitara.  Out of his 7 advocates, six were from western Uganda and speak Runyakitara.  The 1st Respondent,Museveni is from the western  region and adopted Runyakitara as his local language.  Out of 36 of his Advocates, 30 were from western Uganda and speak Runyakitara.  The 2nd Respondent, Electoral Commission defacto Chairman Sam Rwakojo  (forget about Eng. Kigundu) is from western region and speaks Runyakitara. Out of his 10 Advocates, 7 were from the western region and speak Runyakitara.  The third respondent, Attorney General Fred Ruhindi and his Deputy Mwesigwa Rukutana are all from western region and speak Runyakitara.  Out of the 8 advocates from the Attorney General's legal team, 5 are from western Uganda and speak Runyakitara.

Though the respondents looked to be separate entities, it can be authoritatively asserted that all the Advocates for the three as one ang going by the name of Team Museveni. They had a common enemy to defeat and had to share resources.  The entire panel of Justices had been appointed judges by Museveni thus why unlike the previous petitions, this time around all the nine unanimously ruled in favor or Museveni.  The respondents' legal team (Team Museveni) was composed of the usual Lawyers who have always been handling the regime's constitutional challenges, multi-million controversial contracts, and legal defence of regime cronies.  The Chief Justice was a Museveni cabinet Minister, Attorney General when he defended Uganda against DRC at ICJ, helped rule in favor of Museveni in the Tinyefuza cibstitutional petition in the late 1990s, ruled in favor of Museveni in the previous election Petition. His young brother Col. Octovious Butuuro, was at one time the Deputy CMI  and is now the Military Attache in Rwanda.  Also on the team was the former Solistor General, Peter Kabatsi who after retirement founded Kampala Associated Advocates - a law firm in which Chief Justice Katurebe is a founding partner.  Its the same firm that has always been defending some of the regime's legal challenges and in the instant petition it provided a number of Lawyers for the defence of Museveni.

The Electoral Commission had the former Managing Director of the defunct Uganda Railways Corp  (URC), Enos Tumusiime as its lead counsel.  He was assisted by Mac Dusman Kabega his co-partner in Tumusiime, Kabega and Co. Advocates.  After sweeping clean URC, he had resigned in 1997 following criminal investigations by both parliament and courts for causing financial loss of over 1.2b shilling over transportation of copper riverts belonging to Pearl  International Commodities (UK) Ltd.  He had been appointed to that position by Museveni after displacing the former MD, Karamagi.  Tumusiime brother, Gordon Mwesigye who is currently the Secretary at UHRC was at the time the Town Clerk Kampala City Council.  In private practice, Tumusiime has been defending the regime's high profile looting sprees.  Among them are the following:

-    US $ 8.8M breach of contract award by court over the NSSF construction of Workers House by Alcon International in 1998.  Then High Court Judge Stella Arach  and one of the Justices of the Supreme Court who ruled in favour of Museveni in the recent election petition is the one who awarded the $8.8M damages.

-    The most recent 169 billion shillings pensions scam by Cairo International Bank whereby the said bank had conspired with officers in the Public Service ministry to create 2605 ghost beneficiaries.  Tumusiime secured a court order restraining  an impending trial of the bank and its officials.

What is clear is that Museveni's 30 years hold on power has created a reasonable ground for his reign to be perceived as western Uganda aligned.  This was clearly manifested in the just concluded election petition  whereby it was made to look as if it was an internal disagreement amongst westerners over their power sharing.  The rest of the regions were left as mere spectators.  The fact is that it is not western Uganda as such but a small geogr,apical area and a clique of a few individuals whom Museveni has over the years deliberately made the major beneficiaries of his patronage policy.  That is why the petition was overwhelmingly dominated by players from the western region that even if it had been conducted in Runyankole, it would have proceeded well.  Even the legal jargons like amicus curse would have been translated as 'munywani w'ekibunu K'yengwe (friend of the leopard's a..s).   At this rate if nothing is done the 2021 presidential election petition by the 1st run up, Charles Rwomushana against the winner and 1st respondent, Gen (Rtd) Muhoozi Keinerugaba  and the 2nd respondent, Kiruhura District Council will witness the Cattle Corridor Association and the Rwenshama Fish Mongers Association applying as amicus curae .

INFORMATION IS POWER

Saturday, 2 April 2016

WILL MBABAZI BECOME THE FACE OF OPPOSITION?

Museveni's former Prime Minister and secretary General, A mama Mbabazi has just lost a presidential election petition that has helped to legitimize  Museveni's rigged victory in the February 18th polls.  The constitution required the Supreme Court to carry out an inquiry into the electoral process but instead it conducted a hearing.  In an inquiry the Supreme Court is mandated to look for evidence beyond what is presented by the parties.  In a hearing the Supreme Court relies only on evidence brought by the parties as was the case in the instant petition.  It is obvious that the evidence was hidden in the leopard's  a**s which the court feared to poke its finger into thus the option to compose the "There was no evidence" song which they launched on 31st March at the Supreme Court.  On the contrary, a well pleaded petition though would still be dismissed on Museveni's order, it would have exposed the regime's excesses to the maxmum and given the respondents a better run for their moñey.  The Mbabazi petition was hastily prepared, poorly pleaded and may not even offer any missions for students of constitutional law.

When Mbabazi was denied the opportunity to run against Museveni in the party primaries, he opted to run as an independent.  He made futile attempts to rally the opposition behind his candidature under a loose coalition, TDA.  As an independent candidate, Museveni opted to give him 1% of the total votes cast.  The same Museveni gave the runners up Dr. Besigye 35%.  Much in a fraudlent process Mbabazi would still not have beaten Museveni and Dr. Besigye, his allocation of 1% was designed to potray him as a very unpopular person in Uganda who even had no support within the regime party.  Reacting to the court ruling, Mbabazi told a press conference that he was working on a way forward.  He reiterated his earlier stand that his Go Forward political platform was to pursue non confrontational means.  Recent events in the political arena have significantly skyrocketed the FDC and Dr.  Besigye's political rating both locally and internationally.

The big questions are:-

1.  Had he been the opposition flag bearer under TDA, would he have defeated Museveni?
2.   What did he intend to achieve fron the court petition; has he achieve it?
3.   What does need in order to become the main face of opposition to Museveni?
4.   Can he become the face of opposition against Museveni without dismantling the FDC and Dr. Besigye?
5.   Can the issues at hand be resolved by reactivating the TDA?

INFORMATION IS POWER

Friday, 1 April 2016

THE REGIME SETS A TRAP FOR DR. BESIGYE AND GEN. SSEJUSA.

As part of the February 18th election rigging strategy by the regime, the main opposition leader Dr. Besigye was placed under house arrest while Gen. Ssejusa was charged with involvement in partisan Parisian politics and remanded to prison by the Court Martial.  in its estimates, the regime was motivated by a belief that by confining the two Museveni Bush War hero's, the mass uprising would lack leadership.  All legal means to secure the freedom of the two were thwarted by the regime.  Its only today that the IGP announced plans to withdraw security forces from Dr. Besigye's home.  He made it clear that they would keep a close watch on him.  At the sane time, Gen.  Ssejusa was granted bail by the High Court. The regime has had to succumb to  both internal and external pressure coupled by the worry over Dr. Besigyye's growing popularity. 

However, its absolutely not by coincidence that these two patriots are getting their freedom concurrently.  The regime very well knows the resolute of the two in pursuing the liberation agenda and does not expect them to relent.  Their release is therefore is designed to lure the two into a trap where they will be framed, arrested and detained far away from the city over treasonous allegations.  When will Ugandans ever understand Museveni's ways????  Watch the space!!!!!

INFORMATION IS POWER