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Friday, 21 April 2017

#Museveni's police state scheme graduates to a surveillance state - #Uganda

A Police State is a core characteristic of a totalitarian form of governance.  The regime exercises power arbitrarily through the power of the Police Force as opposed to a state regulated by civil administration. 
Citizens of a police state experience restrictions on their rights and freedoms which is subject to Police monitoring or enforcement.  A political Police unit then acts for the repressive regime to control the political, economic and social life of the people in place of regular operations of civil administrative and judicial organs of the government as set about by the constitution and other legal procedures.
Citizens of a Police State face grave restrictions on their mobility and freedom to express or communicate political or other views.  Such a Police State is fundamentally authoritarian and often a dictatorship which suppress citizens' rights under the guise of state security and the leaders are seen as gods who exercise absolute powers.  Political opposition to the regime is treated as a crime against the state.
As public dissent is forbiden, it inevitably becomes secret, which in turn invites the repressive Police State's surveillance program.  The regime keeps watch on what its oppressed citizens say and communicate, and keeps track of their associates and movements.
Repressive state surveillance can be overt and covert or both but can be targeted or massive.  It can be carried out by a civilian network like our village Local Councils (L.C) and Crime Preventers.  It can be by the regime's agencies - the Police and secret services, Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) and National Identification Registration Authority (NIRA) or by commercial corporations like mobile phone companies.  Both UCC and NIRA are an extension of Museveni's regime intelligence network.
Target surveillance is carried out on specific individual persons, places and objects and organisations.  It can be carried out covertly (secretly) or overtly (publicly) using methods like interception of communication, collection of communication traffic data from phone companies, visual surveillance devices and devices that sense movements of objects and persons.  Electronic tagging, targeted computers, internet, mobile phone, social media, residences, hotels, conference halls, cars, etc.  The other day Dr. Besigye discovered a surveillance device that the regime had fixed in his car.
Mass surveillance also known as "passive" or "undirected" gathers information and images for possible future use.  Use of CCTV and databases like it is the case in the ongoing scheme to fix CCTV cameras in all urban centres and the re-registration of SIM cards and the national ID is a classic example of mass surveillance.  In civilised countries, it helps fight terrorism, crime, prevents social unrest, protects   national security, fights child pornography, etc. though it limits civil and political rights while at the same time it limits privacy.  Under Museveni's Uganda, it is designed to monitor and suppress political dissent.
Ill-motivated mass surveillance scheme leads to a situation of an Electronic Police State whereby the repressive regime uses electronic technologies to record, collect, store, organize, analyse, search,
and distribute information about its citizens.  Uganda is heading for massive government surveillance of landline and cellular telephone traffic, mail, Emails, Web surfing, internet searches, radio and other forms of electronic communication as well as widespread use of video surveillance.  The Museveni regime has upgraded its electronic surveillance technology - thus it is trying to match it with the citizens’ database through rigorous re-registration exercise of SIM cards and National ID. 
The repressive regime will deliberately make its citizens know that it runs a mass surveillance program so that it instills fear and suspicion and the consequential self censorship while its powerful coercive Police Force takes center stage.
The Museveni regime already has in place the necessary infrastructure to facilitate the development of a Police State/Surveillance State/Electronic Police State.  The Ministry of Information Communication techinologies (ICT), The Interception of Communications Act, The National Identification and Registration Agency (NIRA), The Public Order Management Act (POMA), The Uganda Communication
Commission (UCC), Registration of Persons Act, a rubber stamp parliament, client phone companies, cadre Judges, regime Police, regime secret services, regime militias and others are the pillars of the program. 
Through covert hacking, the regime will be able to collect, remove and add digital evidence to/from private devices of citizens without knowledge of owners.  With such data, the regime will be able to disrupt, misdirect, discredit, foster internal dispute in the opposition or smear dirt on their activities especially the leaders.

Sunday, 16 April 2017

Museveni's desperate scheme to overshadow the 'pair of buttocks' flops

Dr. Stella Nyanzi of Makerere University is under incarceration over alleged cyber harassment and offensive communication criminal charges. The charges arise from a barrage of social media attacks that she unleased on Uganda's military dictator and his wife.  She called Museveni a 'pair of Buttocks' and described his wife as being 'foolish with narrow brains'. This followed Museveni wife's declaration that the regime wont be able to provide sanitary pads to school girls.  During the last sham elections campaign, Museveni had committed the regime in providing sanitary pads to these girls in order for them to remain in school.

Alongside social media attacks, Dr. Stella Nyanzi had been fundraising for and supplying sanitary pads to school girls. At the instigation of the First Lady who is also the Minister of Education, she has also been suspended by Makerere University administration.  This development has attracted local and international attention.  Majority of Ugandans are in support of Stella Nyanzi while almost all major global news outlets and media houses have widely covered it more especially the 'pair of buttocks' part of it.

Feeling cornered, Museveni had to design a scheme in the hope that it would overshadow the 'pair of buttocks' rage.  That is how the Labour Minister, Herbert Kabafunzaki's alleged bribe scandal came to the fold.  Because of the acute urgency, the scheme was so hastly arranged that its authenticity has instead raised immense doubt.  Upon arrest, the Minister pleaded innocence claiming that "its a hoax I didn’t do anything, the hotel cameras are there."  The schemer's agent, Brian Mugabo with whom the alleged bribe cash was found had to plead guilty and make a confession.  Instead of convicting him, he was instead remanded in a 'safer place' and has since then retracted his confession.  At court, security unusually allowed the Minister to address the press in defence of his innocence. He was granted bail the following day while others with similar charges are rotting away on remand.

Despite the above shortfalls, Museveni went ahead to make use of the scandal.  He addressed the press where he declared the start of the war on corruption.  However, his declaration of 'war on corruption' has failed to overshadow the 'pair of buttocks' saga.   He has also suspended the said Minister but in the past whenever his top cohorts were implicated in corruption, he would vehemently come to their defence arguing that its him that the 'agitators' were fighting.

Just like other regime officials, Minister Kabafunzaki did solicit for that bribe.  Like in all other corruption cases, Museveni came to know about it and owing to the trending 'pair of buttocks', he opted to sacrifice him instead of closing a blind eye as usual.  The one who offered the bribe confirmed that he had contacted Museveni who gave him a go-ahead thus; ".... give him the money and we have him arrested".  What happened to institutions that are supposed to fight graft if it is Museveni to decide on who, when, and how to be arrested.  What if it had been Sam Kuteesa, Jim Muhweezi or any other member of the Inner Circle'!!!!!  African military dictators have mastered the art of creating diversionary scenarios whenever they are faced with a big challenge that threatens to lay bare their autocracy.


Saturday, 15 April 2017

Provide police with a list of regime untouchables - #Uganda

The Museveni military dictatorial regime has some cadres who are above the law and enjoy full protection of the regime's law enforcement agencies.  One such top regime cadre who is untouchable is the notorious Rwandese land grabber, Moses Karangwa Kaliisa.  As a distinguished agent of land grabbing, he has grabbed land in Busoga, Kayunga, Luweero and Mubende while brutally displacing thousands of Ugandans.  In doing so, he has enjoyed the full protection of the regime law enforcement agencies.  He is so close to the topmost regime hierarchy that no one can dare even talk about his illegal and brutal actions.

However, last week in Jinja a senior Police Officer, Inspector George Ochola the District Criminal Intelligence and Investigation Department (DCIID) was suspended over Moses Karangwa Kaliisa.  There is an ongoing property (Plot 24 Spire Road) wrangle between Karangwa and a Jinja based businessman, a one Bob Singh.  On the orders of Karangwa, Singh was arrested and Inspector George Ochola granted him a Police Bond.  Karangwa complained to the Police headquarters where another Rwandese,  Fortunate Habyara (short version for Habyarimana) who heads the Police Professional Standard Unit (PSU) immediately sacked Inspector Ochola on charges of Disobeying Lawful Orders. Ochola has already been replaced by another officer.

Much as the Police corruptly grants Police Bond to suspects, it is unlikely that in the instant case he took a bribe from the suspect, Bob Singh owing to the complainant, Karangwa being a top regime cadre.  Poor Inspector George Ochola did not realise that by protecting the rights of suspect Bob Singh, he was undermining the interests of Karangwa - to demonstrate his authority to Singh.

Therefore, some of these security officers more especially those from the 'powerless regions' ought to be availed with a list of untouchable regime cadres and a special lecture on regime power dynamics.  It
happened the other day when Gen. Angina ordered the arrest of Captain Bashaija without knowing that he is another untouchable top regime cadre.


Sunday, 9 April 2017

Buganda Kingdom reaps cash from Museveni's torture chambers

First published on April 22, 2014 by Change of Guards Blog
In the heart of Kampala city is the NRA's military police barracks at Makindye.  During the Iddi Amin regime the same barracks was re-known for detention without trial, torture, and killing of many Ugandans. The property housing the said barracks belongs to the Buganda kingdom. It was taken over by the central government around 1966 following the abolition of kingdoms. When Museveni took over power he opportunistically restored the kingdom and promised to return the property. His army continues to occupy the said property with no intention of vacating It has taken him 28 years to handover the title deeds of the said property! The Buganda Kingdom earns rent from the Ministry of Defence.
Even under Museveni the role of Makindye barracks continued to be the same as had been the case under Iddi Amin. The only difference is that under Museveni there has been little information flow about torture at Makindye barracks save for the few highlights by international human rights organisations. Makindye Barracks is the NRA's tactical base for the brutal anti-demonstrations operations in Kampala city. Also during general elections, it acts as the base for the army's terror and intimidation unleashed against both the opposition and the general population in order to coarse them to vote for Museveni. Military personnel are dressed in regular Police uniform at Makindye before they are dispatched to the city to cause mayhem.
The barracks has been the holding ground of civilians arrested by different intelligence outfits like Operation Wembly, VCCU, KAP, Flying Squad, ISO, CMI, SFG. It has also been taking custody of civilians who are released by courts of law but the army immediately rearrests them from within the court premises and detains them in Makindye. At one time Museveni referring to Makindye barracks boosted thus "I have found a safer place for them where they can’t escape". It is at Makindye that the likes of Kayihura and Hope Mwesigye (then Minister) competed for the securing the release of PRA suspects by involving behind the scenes negotiations between suspects, their relatives and Museveni.
At the quarter guard (main entrance) on the left-hand side is block that has eight tiny isolation cells. These cells are used as torture chambers for suspects who are picked and isolated for torture from the main detentions facilities inside the barracks.  They are used to hold those suspects whom the authorities do not want to be seen by other inmates so that forced disappearance is eased. Also, they are used as a temporary holding ground for suspects who are brought in at night and for security reasons the authorities do not want to open the main detention facility.
Further, it is at the quarter guard cells that the authorities conduct follow up interrogation and torture to extract more information from those victims who are already in detention. It is very common for operatives from the earlier mentioned intelligence outfits to make regular visits to Makindye and order to produce some suspect for further interrogation and torture. If a victim is lucky he is interrogated from these isolation cells where the interrogators exercise some restraint. During interrogation at the isolation cells, the victim is stripped naked, handcuffed to the iron bars of the door leaving only the toes to touch the floor.
If the victim is not cooperative, he will be left in that state for the whole night for the mosquitoes to do the interrogation. However, if the victim is unlucky he is driven off to the safe houses in town from where he may never be seen again. The one-time Commanding Officer of Makindye Col. Dick Bugingo used to tell suspects that for them (Military Police) they are just store keepers who were given 'goods' for safe custody such that if the owner (intelligence organisations) demands for his goods, he must be given at any time of the day without question. No wonder Col. Bugingo was retired immediately following the 2006 mysterious escape of high profile suspects from his custody.
Passing this quarter guard cell into the barracks, about 25 meters on the left is the infamous Go-Down cell. It is not clear whether the structure was build by the Buganda Kingdom or by the Iddi Amin government. It is used to house civilian incommunicado. The structure is a huge concrete building block with a high and wide metallic sliding gate. Inside the structure on the immediate left are two huge cells with burglar proof glass windows. The same applies to the right side. This one are rarely used except for accommodating the terminally sick. Directly opposite the gate about 15 meters away are the infamous three underground cells from which the entire structure derives its name - Go-down.
The Go-downs have strong metallic sliding doors and stair cases leading under ground about five metres. They have 30 metres high walls that touch the high roof where very tiny ventilators are located. Both during the day and at night detainees ease themselves in the plastic buckets. Every evening was is left to flow into the cells up to a quarter metre high. Guards are posted even on the roof during day time and can be seen from the 2 metres away main road to Lukuli Nanganda and the surrounding neighbourhoods. After many years of secrecy pertaining to the detention of hundreds of civilians at Makindye, an inmate took the initiative to compile their particulars and pass them on to the press who after running the story, their relatives raised alarm that compelled the authorities to lessen the grip.

Bypassing this Go-down on the right is the Commanding Officers office. By passing it on the left about 20 metres away is the main kitchen for the suspects on the right and on the left, is the clinic. From the clinic, upward about 10 metres away is a strong metallic gate leading to another detention facility called Zimwe. It derives its name from the contract to build a high concrete fence all around that Gen Kaziini awarded to Zimwe Construction. Its located at the barracks' peripheral bordering with the main road and the civilian residential quarters outside the barracks.
This facility has four huge concrete structures with each one having two different big cells. The cells are self contained in terms of toilet and laundry. Among the Old Boys of Zimwe wing is Col. Samson Monday who was housed in Ward D. Also, one of the wards is called Ituri because that is where the PRA suspects were housed after being rearrested from court by the black mambas following their release by courts of law. The fourth structure was recently constructed to provide for senior army officers at a time the army was contemplating to detain Dr. Kiiza Besigye and was also stuck with Brig. Tumukunde's detention at the Officer's mess at Acasia Avenue in Kololo.
Around 2006 the detention facilities at Makindye underwent major renovation that was carried out by the NRA department of Construction and with the physical supervision of officials from the Buganda kingdom land board. Therefore, there is no doubt that Buganda Kingdom as landlords are fully aware of what their tenant (Museveni’s) is using and abusing their property but since they are reaping huge sums of money they are not bothered. At the time, these officials from Buganda land board were even used by detainees to smuggle notes to media houses. The said notes contained the details of torture and incarceration that was being carried out by the NRA at the facility and The Monitor ran these details.
Kigo Prison on the outskirts of Kampala city is another Buganda property that is used by the NRA to torture and kill Ugandans whenever Makindye Barracks ran out of sufficient space.  CMI, JATT, Operation Wembly, ISO, KAP, RRU, VCCU, and SFG turned Kigo Prison into an intelligence agencies detention facility. Using the cover of the General Court Martial, these intelligence outfits would detain and withdraw victims at will.
The said Remand and Production Warrants by the court martial were mere papers in the possession of these agencies and the victim needed not to have appeared before the court martial. At any time of the day or night, a victim could be removed from Kigo for further torture in the safe houses and never to be seen again. The OC of the Prison became an incorporated member of JATT with a monthly allocation of operation funds. Gen Tumwine as a special task Chairman of the General Court Martial at the time played a crucial role in legitimising the legal detention (see: General Court Martial - a tool of illegal detention by NRA).
Therefore, much as the Buganda kingdom financially benefits from its property being inappropriately used by the NRA, it is also knowingly aiding and abetting the commission of atrocities against Ugandans by the NRA.

The Karekyezi’s - opportunists, terrorists or nationalists? #Uganda

It is 1932 and in present day Kisoro district a son, John Karekyezi is born of a Parish chief and is a grandson of an elder, Yakobo Rwanyonga.  The young John Karekyezi attended Mutolere Primary School before proceeding to Kitabi Seminary and St. Marys' College, Kisubi for secondary education.  In 1952 he joined Makerere University to Study Veterinary Medicine where he became the Vice Chairman of the Student's Guild Council.  He actively got involved in students’ politics whereby at one time he attended an International Union of Students Leaders course in Vienna, Austria.  While there he extended his stay abroad addressing the international community on the need for Uganda's self governance.  Coupled by his earlier links with the militant wing of the Uganda National Congress (UNC), the colonial authorities were annoyed and expelled him from Makerere and confiscating his passport to stifle his movement.
He took up an active role with the UNC at its offices in Katwe, Kampala with the likes of Paulo Muwanga, Ignatius Musaazi, Samson Sekabanja and others.  He joined hands with UNC's militants under their umbrella organisation, Katwe People's Council to oppose the visit of Queen Elizabeth in 1954.  Since he had attended a Cadet Corps paramilitary training while at Kisubi, he led some militants and they stole thirty rifles and six hundred ammunitions from the armory at Kisubi.  They intended to use these arms against the colonial government but all the arms were recovered before the Queen's visit.
John Karekyezi who at this stage had adopted Kale as his name in order to erase the Rwandese linage was deported to Belgian Rwanda-Burundi after he was branded a Marxist and excommunicated from the Catholic Church.

From Belgian Rwanda, he attempted to enter Belgian Congo to link up with Patrice Lumumba but was captured and imprisoned in Goma.  He somehow managed to sneak back into Uganda and under disguise he travelled to Sudan from where he connected to Cairo, Egypt in 1957.  In Cairo, he represented UNC at the First Afro-Asia Conference.  Since the 1952 revolution that brought Abdul Jamal Nasser to power, Egypt had become the centre of the anti-colonial and greatly supported pro-independence movements under the Cairo Africa Society comprised of 38 countries.  Muslim youths who had been alienated by the missionary based colonial educational system in Uganda would secretly foot to Juba in Sudan, take a ferry across the Nile to Khartoum from where they would fly to Cairo.  The likes of Ibrahim Mukiibi, Yunus Kinene, Umaru Ddumba and several others went to Cairo under such an arrangement.  John Kale must have disguised as a Muslim in order for him to easily sail through the risky route to Cairo.
In Cairo, John Kale opportunistically appointed himself the UNC Secretary for Foreign Affairs.  He got close to Egypt's Jamal Abdul Nasser who posted him to his office under the Africa Policy scheme - aimed at freeing Africa from the colonial yoke.  He allowed him to use the state radio to broadcast anti-colonial propaganda.  His colleagues back in Uganda at Katwe UNC office used to tune in and listen to his live broadcasts from Cairo.   His closeness to Abdul Nasser linked him to direct contact with the likes of Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, Kenneth Kaunda, Joshua Nkomo, Tom Mboya and other nationalistic African leaders who would frequently visit Cairo to seek material and moral support.

In 1958 he initiated a militant organisation inside Uganda.  During the same year, he dispatched propaganda literature to Uganda through Abu Mayanja but was arrested at Entebbe airport for importing into the country and being in possession of prohibited literature.  Mayanja was tried, convicted and sentenced to a caution by the Magistrate's Court.
Kale's publications though banned because being 'harmful propaganda' still found their way into the country.  He attempted to present a petition to the UN over Uganda's independence but was blocked.  He instead stealthily joined the Cameroonian delegation that was presenting its petition to the UN for independence.  Kale who felt he had gained enough muscle was planning to contest the 1961 elections as the UNC flag bearer.

In April 1960, a US spy plane was brought down from the USSR airspace prompting a serious diplomatic standoff between the two superpowers.  It is said John Kale either oh his own or Abdu Nasser's initiative opportunistically volunteered to mediate between the two giants.  He died in a plane crash in Kiev on his way to Moscow in September 1960.  His remains were buried in Kisoro but the Catholic church refused to hold a funeral mass because he had been excommunicated from the Catholic Church for being a communist.
His Cairo office had caused a split within UNC when I.K. Musaazi saw it as an agency of spread of communism and Egypt's imperialism for the control of the Nile.  The younger intellectuals led by the likes of Abu Mayanja, Jolly Joe Kiwanuka, Dr. Kununka and a few others vehemently defended the Cairo office.  They argued that the Cairo office acted as a link between the anti-colonial movement in Uganda and the democratic forces in the anti-imperialist world.  This disagreement prompted Musaazi to expel from the UNC the likes of J.W. Kiwanuka, Dr. Kununka, Otema Alimadi, Abu Mayanja, John Kale, and Paulo Sengendo.   Consequently, during the January 1959 Annual Delegates Conference, I.K. Musaazi was expelled from the UNC and Milton Obote was elected the leader of the UNC.
Consequently, the mainly Baganda in UNC led by Musaazi and Muliira formed an all-Baganda protest movement, the Uganda National Movement (UNM) which gained ground in Buganda on account of its trade boycott agenda.  Earlier in 1958 the mainly non-Baganda break away faction of UNC led by Hon. Rwetsiba had formed the Uganda People's Union (UPC).  In March 1960, the Obote led UNC amalgamated with UPU to form the Uganda People's Congress (UPC).   John Kale's had planned to contest in the 1961 as the ANC flagbearer.  His abrupt demise in a plane crush spared the young country of the wrath of a self seeking and dangerously ambitious immigrant Rwandese Tutsi.  Congo is grappling with the likes of Ntaganda and Laurent Nkunda.  It was at least a postponement; for in 1955 he had bore a son, Gen. Kalekyezi who is now Museveni's treacherous Police Chief.

Gen. Kalekyezi is married to a Kenyan Tutsi of Rwandese origin and grand daughter of the last King of pre-independence Rwanda, Rudahigwa who died of a poison injection while on an official visit to Burundi in 1959.  That is why Gen. Kayihura attended the recent burial of the last king of independent Rwanda in Kigali.  Is he aiming at making his father's dreams come true; to accomplish his father's unfinished business??? In terms of opportunistic political scheming and manoeuvering coupled by the love for militancy, its just LIKE FATHER, LIKE SON.

Museveni has sanctioned the construction of a multi-billion John Kale Memorial Institute of Science and Technology in Kisoro.  Who will advocate for the recognition of the role played by other non-Tutsi Ugandans who played a leading role in the struggle for independence?
Change of Guards blog

Thursday, 6 April 2017

Joseph #Kony; another suitable Museveni police chief - #Uganda

Joseph Kony; another suitable Museveni police chief

The LRA leader, Joseph Kony is an army General who commands a notorious ragtag rebel outfit that brutally abducts, maims, kills, and loots.

The Museveni regime police is another ragtag outfit that brutally abducts, illegally detains, tortures, extorts, steals, robs, maims and kills Ugandans.  Like LRA, it is commanded by an army General,
Kalekyezi who has never been trained in any form of civilian policing.  He is presiding over a rotten police force that has lost public confidence.  However, the regime continues to enjoy its performance because it fits into its secret policy of having a brutal police force that spreads fear among the public while suppressing all forms of political dissent.

During a recent pass, out of senior police officers, Gen Kalekyezi cautioned them against eagerness to accumulate wealth thus; ".........this system of grabbing wealth from all angles should stop.  Don’t rush for this lucrative wealth because it will lead you into problems.  The most criticism for the public is that these officers are competing to have wealth quickly, many of you have been accused of accumulating wealth in indecent ways."  This is the same police chief who in August 2014 flew the police helicopter to then KMP commander, Cadre Kaweesi's home village to grace the entry of the latter’s newly constructed multi-billion village mansions where he urged other police officers to emulate Kaweesi.  He has excelled in aggressively protecting police officers who have committed crimes and in particular economic crimes for personal enrichment in return for loyalty.

He went ahead to state that police officers had been making mistakes in operations because they lacked some critical skills.  He declared; "I want to assure you that most of the mistakes which officers have been making in the field are due to lack of training.  Majority of officers have been doing their operations on guess work.  What I can assure you is that you will not see any mistakes from police officers anymore."  He went ahead to disclose that some of the graduates had made mistakes during the 2016 elections because they lacked skills.

"After realising that they made some mistakes during the last elections, we sent them for a course which they have completed."  He added; "You have finished the course; you are in the spotlight.  You are going back to your stations and I will give you marks; and anybody that fails to deliver will be sacked."  He disclosed that the force was "trying to fill the loopholes in the training of junior and senior officers.  We have been able to formulate courses for all levels of command and Directors are the next in line."

The 'mistakes' he was referring to is where police commanders either acted professionally or were overwhelmed by public vigilance in asserting for their rights. The so called 'training' is nothing but a
cadre development scheme through political indoctrination and reassurance of protection for gross human rights violations in return for loyalty.

Nothing can change the stinking image of the regime police force as long as its secret mission is still top on the agenda.  The following heartbreaking incidents that have taken place a few days back paint a
bleak picture of the situation:
1.  Last week an Inspector of Police in Kamuli, Edward Osiye raped a female victim of domestic violence who had gone to the station to seek justice.  Osiye who was formerly a Local Admin Police was praised by IGP Kalekyezi for constructing a police post before instantly promoting him to the rank of Inspector of Police.
2.  Two weeks ago Flying Squad officers shot dead a three-year-old toddler and fatally injured its mother and another person when they had illegally been hired to arrest someone.
3.  Two days ago in Tororo, Inspector of Police Michael Wodu sexually harassed a senior six teenager who had gone to the station to report theft of her school fees.  She instead ended up routinely preparing meals at IP Wodu's residence.
4.  A week earlier in Tororo, Inspector Gerald Kasedhe raped a female victim of domestic violence on gunpoint at the station. As a community Liaison Officer, he had been mediating between the victim and
her husband. 
5.  In February 2017, the DPC Mukono, Boniface Kinyera deliberately shot and fatally injured a civilian he allegedly mistook for a robber.  Since when did a whole DPC chase robbers!!!!
6.  One day ago an 11-year-old minor, Solomon Opoi of Dokolo district died in a police cell after he was tortured by the police for theft of a sachet of fruit juice.

What about a recent government report that lay it bare that 503 people had been shot dead in Uganda in the last three years using legal and illegal guns.  Also, that 1,477 (Security Min, Gen. Tumukende inclusive) had survived with fatal gun wounds. If Gen. Kalekyezi can, why not Gen. Kony.


Wednesday, 5 April 2017

#Uganda gods make #Museveni go mad before the takedown @StateHouseUg @IGPUganda @PoliceUG @aKasingye

Students of history will remember how all rebellions and revolutions are started.  The #AprilRevolution in Uganda is real and will be peaceful.
The French Revolution has some good lessons.
Land had been taken away from the people and most became slaves on their own land.
The Clergy had colluded with the Monarchy and turned a blind eye on the suffering of the people.  Then some of you wonder why the French hardly go to church.
The security forces were deployed to get rid of rif rafs.
With the economy collapsing, no purchasing power and much suffering, famine hit the masses.  Then Her Royal Highness asked her guards why the people were demonstrating.  They told her they had no bread (meaning they were hungry).
Since Marie Antoinette had never known poverty or hunger like Hon. Janet Kataha Museveni, she told the guards something like "if they have no bread, then let them eat cake!"  "Qu'ils mangent de la brioche"
Uganda is now seeing similarities.  If you cannot feed your families or your children, then buy Food Flasks to keep the food warm.  Mind you, if you cannot afford to walk your kids to school and being how dangerous how Boda Bodas are, BUY A CAR!